Question: What do I need to know about verbal and non-verbal communications? Local Perspective: Bolivians, in general, especially those from the highland regions of La Paz, Potosi and Oruro are not very expressive in terms of non-verbal communications. A handshake is common for first time formal greetings. That being said, usually, a handshake or hug for men, and a hug with a kiss on the right cheek is a common greeting in cities across the country, especially among acquaintances. Kissing between men is uncommon and would be considered odd or inappropriate. In more rural areas of the country, often a handshake with a pat on the back is an accepted form of greeting, it is rare, especially in the highland and valley rural region to hug an acquaintance.
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Question: What do I need to know about verbal and non-verbal communications? Local Perspective: Bolivians, in general, especially those from the highland regions of La Paz, Potosi and Oruro are not very expressive in terms of non-verbal communications. A handshake is common for first time formal greetings.
That being said, usually, a handshake or hug for men, and a hug with a kiss on the right cheek is a common greeting in cities across the country, especially among acquaintances. Kissing between men is uncommon and would be considered odd or inappropriate.
In more rural areas of the country, often a handshake with a pat on the back is an accepted form of greeting, it is rare, especially in the highland and valley rural region to hug an acquaintance. Bolivians are very frank and straight forward and there is very little hidden script in their conversation. It is also common for Bolivians to comment on your physical characteristics such as your weight or skin colour once they feel you have gained their confidence or trust.
Canadian Perspective: Depending on where you are in the country, verbal and non-verbal communications are distinct. It is important to understand them to navigate social situations. Strangers meeting for the first time will often greet each other with a simple handshake.
This is true for men and women. Following a first meeting, it then becomes common between men and women, and between women, to greet each other with a peck on the right cheek.
In some cities, such as Potosi, two pecks are common - one for each cheek. Between friends, men are prone to hugging when greeting each other in the cities; in the rural areas, especially in the highland region, kissing is rare, and a simple handshake with a pat on the left shoulder is common - both between men, and between men and women.
In the political capital, La Paz, non-verbal communication is minimal amongst Pacenos residents of the capital. Limit non-verbal communication to a minimum and try to be, whenever possible, open with communication.
As a foreigner, and more so if a white foreigner, you may be the object of non-verbal scrutiny, especially in regions or cities that have limited exposure to outsiders. For example, you may experience prolonged staring, or be the subject to jokes which you may not even understand or hear.
This type of non-verbal interaction is harmless and generally emerges from curiosity or suspicion. Cultural Information - Display of Emotion Question: Are public displays of affection, anger or other emotions acceptable?
Local Perspective: It is quite common to see public expressions of emotions, be those affections, anger, or passion. For example, if there is a disagreement between two parties, it is common to see open shouting, and in some cases, a physical altercation may occur.
Displaying of emotions during an important soccer game such as jumping for joy, shouting, or hugging others in the event of a win, and expressing anger openly in the event of a loss, is very common. It is acceptable to openly cry and express sadness in public in the event of personal tragedy. During public protests, it is common to see people express anger and frustration openly.
Canadian Perspective: Public displays of affection among young people are common in the large cities, and are just recently becoming less scrutinized by older people who are generally more conservative in their ways. You will observe public displays of affection less in rural areas, where customs tend to be more publicly scrutinized. Public displays of anger are common and generally accepted for men, especially in large cities like La Paz and El Alto. It is common for people to complain expressively about politics or sports, and sometimes an argument will occur between men over a disagreement.
The most common reasons for a public display of anger in La Paz are traffic jams and congestion. In slow-moving traffic drivers and riders of public transportation express their discontent publicly, sometimes resulting in shouting or shoving. Women are less likely to express anger, and are more likely to express sadness in public. This is especially true for younger generations who are generally not as reserved as older generations.
Local Perspective: In public and private formal institutions it is common to see employees respecting formal dress codes. Shirts, ties and dress pants for men are common in these spaces and business attire for women. It is not uncommon to observe the use of suits in public institutions. In formalized institutions punctuality is expected depending on the structure of the office. Punctuality is not strictly enforced since there is an understanding that problems such as traffic jams, protests and lack of efficient public transit can prevent people from arriving to work on time.
In this context it is common for formalized meetings to be cancelled or postponed. In a less-formal setting, or outside of the formal office setting, punctuality is not enforced. Both formal and informal meetings are prone to starting late, and especially in informal settings, it is common to set a time for a meeting while knowing very well that the meeting likely will not take place for at least a half an hour or more later than planned.
Workplace relationships and relationships that are business-based tend to be formal within the given setting of a meeting or within office hours. That being said, it is common that co-workers maintain, when possible, strong social relationships with their co-workers.
This means that after-hours activities, or tea-time in the office, are social spaces where the formality of relationships is relaxed and bonds are cultivated. Canadian Perspective: The work environment in the formal labour market varies, but in general maintains a certain level of structure with respect to punctuality, formality and dress. Especially in private and public institutions, punctuality is expected and is controlled by time clocks or punch cards.
Workers are docked from their monthly salary after being a pre-defined number of minutes late, and so it is common to see workers running to their offices in the morning to punch in. This contributes to a general sense of stress and chaos in the mornings in the large city centres, especially in La Paz and El Alto. Meetings on the other hand, both formal and informal, are more lenient in terms of punctuality, and sometimes fall behind schedule significantly due to unanticipated set-backs.
This is often one of the biggest complaints from Canadians arriving in Bolivia for the first time. Bring a book or something to occupy yourself in the event that a meeting is delayed. In such public and private institutions, formal work attire is generally expected. People still wear suits and ties to their offices, but this can vary substantially depending on your position within the institution and the strictness of your manager in enforcing the dress-code. How will I know how my staff view me?
Local Perspective: It is important for an employer to have a balanced authority figure. That being said, they must also represent authority and structure, and enforce certain levels of disciple and control over their employees. Canadian Perspective: In general, workers employed in the formal sector in Bolivia are used to a set chain-of-command and bureaucratic procedures. A manager is respected if he or she enforces the structures in place, but also shows some flexibility in this regard.
A good manager is someone who can be viewed as a peer, and who makes efforts to minimize the social and political gaps between themselves and their staff. Staff will tend to work harder and be motivated to stay in a position for a longer time if the manager is open to listening to input and suggestions for change. Managers who are overly-rigid are resented, which can create a tense environment in the workplace.
Is it acceptable to go to my immediate supervisor for answers and feedback? Local Perspective: Formal institutions are very hierarchical in nature and follow a very strict decision-making process as defined in the very structure of the institution or business. It is common that everyone is aware of the proper process required to make decisions and, in general, people respect that. It is also expected that the highest levels of management are those responsible for decision making, and will be held responsible for decisions made.
Canadian Perspective: In the workplace, there is generally a rigid top-down bureaucratic structure, where employees follow chain-of-command decisions made by their superiors and there is little consultation of the workers before decisions are made. That being said, depending on the workplace and the degree of responsibility or public scrutiny to which it might be subject to, this rigid structure can be more or less lenient. For example, a company that handles large contracts worth lots of money is more likely to follow rigid decision-making structures than a small research organization.
Supervisors are generally open to providing feedback and criticism to their employees and it is acceptable and in fact expected that employees maintain an open channel of conversation with their superiors in terms of performance.
What impact would the above attitudes have on the workplace? Local Perspective: Gender: Generally speaking, Bolivian society is patriarchal. However, in terms of the formalized rights structure, women and men have equal rights. Over the past ten years there have been advances not only in the visible presence of women holding important political positions, but also in the kinds of demands they have presented to the state.
Since this often intersects with class and ethnicity, women who are poor and considered indigenous experience the brunt of gendered violence and discrimination. In the workplace this context affects the kinds of positions women occupy in public and private institutions mainly as secretaries, or lower paid support staff and the kinds of interactions they have with their superiors.
Many women still feel pressured to dress a certain way or act a certain way in order to maintain their positions or move forward in their careers. Class: Class boundaries are marked by a continued physical, social and geographical division between poor and rich. This demarcation intersects with class, with the most dangerous and precarious jobs being occupied by recent migrant workers from rural areas, for example.
There are visible distinctions in terms of where Bolivians without economic means live and the scarcity of access to basic necessities and services compared to wealthy Bolivians and foreigners who live in other, more central, areas of cities with better access to services and resources.
Differences in class can be well noted through the presence or lack of access to services such as healthcare, education and social security.
A cycle of poverty is prevalent with low income families often experiencing difficulty accessing basic needs, healthcare and education. Religion: The most common religion in Bolivia is Catholicism.
However, Protestantism and Evangelism are gaining popularity in low income neighbourhoods of main cities and in rural areas. On Sundays it is customary that people attend mass. There are widely observed and recurrent practices of religion-related holidays in Bolivia. Some Bolivians maintain their native indigenous culture by mixing Catholic religion practices with Andean religious holidays, beliefs and traditions. Indigeneity in some sectors of Bolivian society is embraced as a point of national pride and is expressed annually in parades, dances, folklore and a large Carnival in Oruro.
Canadian Perspective: Gender: In general Bolivia is a patriarchal society, although some suggest that this is slowly changing thanks to newly-approved legislation that seeks to achieve gender equality. Women are often still perceived to be incapable of work that occurs in public spaces; however, the rising economic conditions of the country have meant that many women now occupy a majority of the commercial informal markets, which are large, open-air vender posts where anything from fruit, to electronics, to appliances are sold, on the street.
Due to legislative changes during the past decade, women have also taken at least a symbolic position in the National Legislative Assembly, and some have even taken positions as ministers. Beyond the institutional advances, however, many report the existence of a glass ceiling in their workplaces, with the higher and more respected positions going to their male counterparts.
This often means that women do not feel comfortable to make decisions or speak out to their bosses or peers for fear of being ridiculed or mocked. There is also a high incidence of violence against women in the society.
Class: In particular parts of the cities, class differences are more visible. In the city centres of Cochabamba, Potosi, La Paz and Santa Cruz, upper-class families hold rights to a lot of property and make up the general composition of the professional class. Lower working-class people fill the visible roles of service providers: as cleaners, cooks, and merchants. The poor and working classes tend to live in the more undesirable peripheries.
In La Paz, for example, the villas that climb up the sides of the city are poor neighbourhoods, with scant access to social services and basic necessities.
Cyril Daryll Forde
Когда Сесилии было девять лет, Ральф Невилл обручил её со своим тринадцатилетним подопечным, Ричардом Плантагенетом. Ральф умер в октябре года , поручив заботу о Ричарде своей вдове, Джоан Бофорт. Сесилия и Ричард поженились в году ; их первый ребёнок, девочка Джоан, родилась спустя 9 лет. В году Ричард был назначен королевским лейтенантом и генерал-губернатором Франции; вместе с ним Сесилия перебралась в Руан , где родился и умер их первый сын и третий ребёнок, Генри. Следующих их сын, будущий король Эдуард IV , родился в Руане 28 апреля года и был сразу тайно крещён в небольшой часовне, что позже позволило его кузену, Ричарду Невиллу , и брату, Джорджу Кларенсу , обвинить Эдуарда в незаконнорожденности с целью сместить его с трона. Тем не менее, современные историки серьёзно заинтересованы этим вопросом и ссылаются к дате рождения Эдуарда: если предположить, что Эдуард родился в срок, то зачатие его произошло в отсутствие Ричарда Йоркского, чем и было обусловлено тайное крещение.
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List of women anthropologists